This blog is the reviews and comments of the various articles and items I have discovered. There is a distinctive theme of Political and Social Economy in my writing that I hope will give you a better insight into who I am and what I think that might not be conveyed in a display of images.
Viability of Immigration Reform
Written prior to the increasing number of irregular immigrant children from Central American countries causing a national debate on U.S. immigration policy, I proposed to examine U.S. immigration history to provide a vehicle to inform the immigration debate, and present my position with as little hyperbole and bumper sticker talking points that populate political discourse.
Research Proposal
Viability of Immigration Reform
May 17, 2014
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to evaluate the viability of immigration reforms proposed to address challenges facing current U.S. immigration realities. It is argued that U.S. immigration policy fails to provide the national security expected through increased border control and establishing regulation and monitoring of an immigrant population. Consequently, maintaining the status quo will only support a challenging immigration environment.
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: Review of Literature
Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework
Chapter 4: Methodology
Chapter 5: Data Analysis
Chapter 6: Conclusions and Recommendations
References
Chapter 1
Introduction
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Importance of Study
Immigration policy has gained increase public attention in reaction to economic conditions since 2007. Those concerns were expressed in the national political discourse leading both major national political parties to propose changes to U.S. immigration policy and stalled when political compromise is required.
A focal point identifying substantive immigration policy changes that can best address public concerns and examining how these proposals impact the nation can provide a view of immigration devoid of the emotion of hyper political views. Maintaining current immigration policies will likely fail to address the public’s concern for action and contributing to an increased sense of a failure to regulate an immigrant population and provide a secure state.
Delimitations of the Study
This study will review literature covering historical results of U.S. immigration policy attempting to provide an objective view of challenges presented in establishing a cohesive and effective immigration policy. Understanding the challenges of past policies should help to inform future policy proposals.
This study does not intend to make subjective interpretations of the values placed on immigration policy by various immigration agents, but to provide views of divergence and convergence beliefs in search of common ground and areas of compatibility.
This study will not provide a complete and universal solution to U.S. immigration as that is outside the scope of this study. At best, this study will present past challenges to immigration polices changes.
Chapter 2
Review of the Literature
Source of Immigrations
Through the 1950’s US immigration policy was based on preserving the sociological and cultural balance in the United States until changes in the sixties increased diversity in immigrant population (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 185). The 1961 immigration Act granted quotas to Caribbean states and non-quota status to relative of other nations (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 189).
The Immigration Act of 1965 ushered in the return of mass immigration due through a lack of effective regulation enforcement and foreign policy developments in Cuba and Vietnam resulting from expanded family unification ignoring work skills, education, and English speaking ability raising the US foreign-born population from 8.5 million or 4.4 percent of total US population. Foreign-born population reached 40 million and 12.9 percent of total US population by 2010. Estimated placed 11.2 million or 3.7 percent of the US population as irregular immigrants (Briggs, 2012, p, 956-957).
The Johnson Administration’s 1965 Immigration Act was the culmination of shifting immigrations policies where a preference for a skill based system was scrapped in favor of nationalities already represented in the county and limiting immigration from the Western Hemisphere with a preference towards family reunification resulting in only twenty percent of immigrants with occupational skills (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 191).
Effects of increased immigration are irregular immigrant workers infringe on the work protection right of regular immigrant workers, as provided for in immigration law, perceived as disrupting this balance, and long ran issues are a large influx of immigrant workers, administrative abuse by irregular immigrant workers that increase the pool of low-skilled workers increasing the mismatch skills demanded in labor markets (Briggs, 2012, p. 957-958).
Changing Immigration Policies
The United States experienced an increase in population diversity with Asian immigration increasing from 1.5 million in 1970 to 13.1 million in 2000. Middle East, African, Central and South American created diverse multicultural US cities. These changes result from the liberal-democratic states response to national changes in the global normative context (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 192).
Change in immigration policy is viewed as an adaptation to changes in global perspectives as exemplified by Aristide Zolberg’s view that immigration policies takes into account international changes to global normative context and opportunities referencing Globalization I as European colonialism that restricted immigration and supported a hierarchical view of culture and race, and Globalization II as colonial independence, self-rule, and growth in acceptance of diversity at home resulting from international human rights movements stressing equality in international social and political relations (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 172).
Changes in national immigration policies are a reaction to emerging immigration hypocrisy viewed from this new normative context as a process of stretching, unraveling, and shifting existing policy. Stretching is a cosmetic reaction to make existing policy fit changes in global norms without abandoning fundamental beliefs and co-opting criticism to avoid fundamental change. Unraveling is an extension of stretching as policies on the edge of a liberal-democratic identity fall to criticism to adapt to new global norms. Unraveling occurs as change agents gain support for implementing new approaches to immigration are institutionalized (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 173 - 174).
Shifts in the global normative contexts where the international state structure changed under neo-colonialism as human rights replaced scientific racism granting leverage to advocates of immigration reform along these lines (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 173).
Immigrant Actors
Actors in US immigration policy can be categorized into four groups based on their position towards immigration and immigrant rights, Advocates, Integrationists, Free-marketers, and Restrictionists.
Advocates, Integrationist, and Free-marketers are the most similar in supporting immigration as an economic benefit. Advocates and Integrationist agrees on broad, generous regular immigration and supportive immigrants’ rights with a criteria based path to citizenship. Integrationists differ by supporting policies limiting regular immigration to alleviate negative effects and fiscal policies to assist regular immigrants and communities in the integration process. Free-marketers see immigration as a means to employ the best labor at the lowest cost with little regard to policies. Oppose any welfare program or legal rights for immigrants. They see labor as an instrument of the business cycle and see immigration as a non sequitur. Restrictionists see immigration only as a negative force and oppose all immigration (Martin, S., 2003, p. 135 - 136).
Advocates began the stretching of US immigration policy with the 1952 Immigration Act that abolished racist criteria but maintained a national origin quota system that counted race against available visas regardless of national origin thus co-opting opposing criticism of racist immigration practices (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 186). The influence of these actors can been see throughout US immigration policy as immerging support of US labor for immigration reform coupled with the rise of the civil right movement and realignment of domestic forces allowed for fundamental immigration changes, however, differing views towards immigration persist (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 188).
Public sentiment is segmented with elites favoring expansion polices and the general public favoring ending or enacting more restrictive immigration while congressional acts favored the expansionist’s views. McDonald notes Columnist David Brooks view that elite educated people are cosmopolitan, seeking to intermingle, while people with neighborhoods favor assimilations. Shifting and unraveling of immigration policy brought together business and labor to support expansionist immigration policy as left right advocates pursued reduced burdens on business and guest workers programs, family reunification, nondiscrimination, greater welfare benefits, and a path to legalization (McDonald, 2010, p. 2 - 3).
One founding principal of US immigration policy is to view immigrants as presumptive citizens but changes in 1996 changed the social, economic, and legal rights of foreign nationalist to include legal immigrants (Martin, S., 2003, p. 132). This change can be seen in surveys that show people want less immigration by restricting irregular immigrants and their employment while supporting a path to citizenship (McDonald, 2010, p. 4). Americans supported Arizona’s anti-immigrant law and reform providing a path to citizenship for the irregular population where fifty-five percent supports the anti-immigration law and sixty-two percent supporting irregular immigrants with criminal records to remain in the country (McDonald, 2010, p. 8).
Immigration and citizen policies intend to satisfy employer’s need for cheap, pliable labor while restricting immigrants considered threatening to the host society as immigration regulations governing residency and citizenship rights play an important role defining areas of inclusion (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 169).
Briggs confirms the consequences of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) when irregular immigrant population was between 3 and 6 million where 2.7 million accepted regular immigrant status using various documents viewed as counterfeit. Briggs faults Congress failing to establish effective employer sanction before implementing amnesty (Briggs, 2012, p, 959).
McDonald questions if additional legislature that toughens employer sanctions, strengthens border controls, includes a guest worker programs, and provides amnesty with a path to legalization will deliver the desired results of deterring unauthorized immigrants and their employment while providing business access to cheap labor and eliminates the presents of an irregular immigrant population (McDonald, 2010, p. 4).
The public was insulated from the realities of how immigration impacted their lives in 1986 compared to 2007 while Congress was insulated from advocates claiming to represent the public. These conditions no longer existed in 2007 when immigration expanded across the U.S. and communities felt threatened and became alarmed (McDonald, 2010, p. 1).
Employer Sanctions and Biometric Identification
Employer sanctions and border controls are the new socially acceptable alternative to mass deportations of the 1950’s and earlier. Expansionist advocates supported the IRCA that included employer sanction and legalization as tools to control immigration when combined with greater border security as proposed by the Select Commission on Immigration Refugee Policy (McDonald, 2010, p. 3-4).
Any tamper proof identification that resembles a national ID card is unthinkable politically even where an estimated seventy-three percent of applications were fraudulent under IRCA. Bush administration proposal for a biometric ID failed to be adapted but still required actual enforcement (McDonald, 2010, p. 5) The only identification system available to employers is the E-Verify system that only validates the documents presented for employment not certifying the person presenting the documents (Briggs, 2012, p, 961).
The results of effective employer sanctions would elicit a cry from business for guest workers and immigrant advocates asking for a path to legalization observing that immigration legislation responds to competing political, economic, social, and cultural demands (McDonald, 2010, p. 5).
Implementation of employer verification and biometric ID cards would help control irregular immigration and improve temporary worker programs. The estimated 11 million plus irregular immigrants in the US have established strong ties to communities and U.S. citizen children so eliminating a rush of immigration with the adaption of a path to regular immigration can by accomplish by limiting family-based immigration. Policies of mass deportation and anti-immigration regulations are viewed as inhuman, and absent a process to replace their labor will only encourage continued irregular immigration (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 965).
Employer sanction requires an easily administered system, tamper proof identification, sanction that are enforced, and alternate access to cheap labor of which the first three failed to occur in the IRCA, while a total nineteen nations and eleven states tried employer sanction and all failed (McDonald, 2010, pp. 4 - 5).
Broader Protection
The U.S.-Mexican border is longer than the distance from Paris to Moscow, and 370 miles of fencing are being erected leaving 1,630 miles unfenced and unguarded as enforcement spending increased from $1 billion to $4.9 billion from 1985 to 2001 with 93% of immigrant apprehensions made by Border Patrol. The Department of Homeland Security budgeted another $8 billion to erect a high tech system of towers and cameras to monitor the remaining 1,630 miles of the unfenced border as Pre-IRCA irregular immigration was estimated at 180,000 per year increasing to 850,000 per year since 2000 (McDonald, 2010, p. 6).
The result is diverting immigration flow along the U.S.-Mexican border to more treacherous routes with no demonstrated reduction in the flow of immigrants. Since 1993 more than 2,600 related border-crossing deaths occurred more than ten times the number of border-crossing death over the 28 years of the Berlin Wall (McDonald, 2010, pp. 5 - 6).
Congressional Budget Office (CBO) review of the U.S. Senate 2007 immigration bill estimated a twenty-five percent reduction in irregular immigration reducing estimates of 850,000 per year to about 637,500 per year (McDonald, 2010, p. 6). These costs do not stop the forty percent of the irregular immigrant population estimated to have entered legally and overstayed their visas contradicting popular belief that the irregular immigrant population is due to border crossings (McDonald, 2010, p. 6).
Economic
Immigration is credited for increased available unskilled labor lowering wages of low skilled native workers. 32.3 percent of foreign-born adults did not have a high school diploma and Briggs believes this explains the high level of unemployment of foreign-born adults reaching 9.8 percent compared to 9.6 percent of native-born adult workers. Foreign-born workers comprise 15.8 percent of the civilian work force at 24.3 million workers by 2010, and one-third of foreign-born workers are irregular at 5.2 percent of the civilian work force at 8 million workers (Briggs, 2012, p, 957).
Orrenius and Zavodny counter that the relative size of low skilled workers in the US falls between 1980 and 2010. Adults over age 25 in 1980 were 33.5 percent and 14.4 percent in 2010 shows a decline in the percent of low skilled workers. The decline in the number of low skilled native born workers are insignificantly off set by low skilled immigrants explaining that increased income inequality is a function of demand not the supply of low skilled workers (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
Briggs finds immigration policy contributed counterproductive influences on national recovery efforts during the current economic downturn. Immigration reform might have been included when added to relief programs instituted to combat the recession. Between 2008 and 2009 2.4 million new regular and irregular immigrants entered the country while 8.2 million jobs were lost (Briggs, 2012, p, 958). Opposing views show that from 1987 to 2007 the rate of unemployment declined during a period of record high immigration. Irregular immigration in 2009 was 98 percent of the 2007 peak in a response to the recession. Regular immigration levels continued where most are not workers having little effect on increased unemployment. Immigrations effect on employment discount economic changes in skill-based technologies that increase unemployment of low-skilled workers, and immigration reform should focus first on retaining the benefits of immigration by limiting the inflow of low-skilled workers and directing the benefits to offset adverse distribution from immigration (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
Orrenius and Zavodny oppose Brigg’s assertion that a 30 percent reduction in irregular immigration and elimination of all irregular immigration is a silver bullet that can reverse declining blue-collar wages, reduce unemployment, and lower poverty and income inequality (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
The decline in real wages and increasing inequality among blue-collar workers in the 1980’s were due to a loss in real minimum wages; and as immigration inflow peaked in the 1990’s, wage inequality in the bottom half of wage distribution rose as earnings and employment rates for the lower educated distribution increased. Rising income inequality occurred from growing disparity in the upper half of male distribution having little to do low skilled immigrants during the 1990’s (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
US GDP increased fourfold from 1965 to 2010 while green cards quotas were unchained until 1990. Shifting irregular low skilled workers to regular requires increased work visas not less; failing to increase H-2A, H-2B, and EB-3 worker visas is counter to stemming irregular immigrants in the work force (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, pp. 964 - 965).
Temporary worker programs reduce irregular immigrations while providing business a supply of low skilled workers and reduces the tax payers burden from a permanent irregular immigrate population. Temporary foreign workers should supplement the business cycle. Most work visas make a permanent immigration unresponsive to the business cycle. Temporary and irregular immigrant workers are the most responsive to the business cycle that Briggs argues should be eliminated by reform and increased deportation (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 965).
Reforms must include system enforceability including enhanced border and visa management to reduce entry of irregular immigrants and overstays, strict employer sanctions, speedy removal of captured irregular immigrants, and supports prohibition on further amnesty to reduce employment among low skilled native workers (Briggs, 2012, p, 962).
Reform
McDonald argues including amnesty in any immigration reform will require a strong popular president backed by a strong bipartisan panel drawn across the political spectrum (McDonald, 2010, p. 3). Congressional bipartisanship needed to pass immigration reform has disappeared failing an attempt to achieve amnesty for irregular immigrants and a biometric national identification card to prevent illegal hiring. (McDonald, 2010, p. 8)
Canada followed a similar approach to the U.S. adopting immigration policy that addressed control and improvement in regular immigrant populations with immigration criteria. Canada’s political system provide their Executive autonomy to experiment with immigration policies as an administration system that eliminated racial discrimination and maintaining selectivity based on potential economic contributions (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 170).
From the end of the 1950’s, Canada’s pursued a universal skill-based selection criteria, not intended to provide a new source of skilled labor, but to satisfy critics of racial discrimination. Canada’s effort in 1966 to recruit highly-skilled, educated immigrants extended sponsorship right for relatives. This ended after six years when only citizen would have sponsorship rights (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 182 - 183).
Early adaptation of skilled based and limited family immigration balanced changes in labor markets and reduced stress on community services. Preferences for family sponsorship should move away from extended family and towards nuclear families and towards higher skilled immigrants not low skilled immigrants. Skill based immigration counters opposition to a guest worker system perceived to depress wages of low skilled native workers, as hard to monitor, places demands on local services, hard to stop, and encourage irregular immigrations (Briggs, 2012, p. 962).
The US political system provides a greater Congressional role in immigration policy resulting in a patch work of policies intended to appease conflicting interest resulting in different solutions in eliminating racial discrimination in immigration law. Conflicts of interest are decided by the societies various political interest asking who we are, what we are to become, how we get there. Fundamentally deciding what individuals will constitute ‘we’ in making these decisions (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 171).
Chapter 3
Theoretical Framework
Group Threat Theory
Group Threat theory dates back to Hubert Blumer, “Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position” published in The Pacific Sociological Review in 1958. Blumer argued prejudice against a minority stems from feelings of threats on the majorities privileged position. Prejudice appears to stem from a feeling of superiority, perceiving the minority group as innate, feelings of entitlement by the majority group, and suspicion that a minority group challenges the prerogative of the dominant group. Advocates of group threat theory note that minority threat is most acute on citizens in precarious socioeconomic potions (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 585).
Contact Theory
Contact theory originates from Robin M. Williams, “Reduction of Intergroup Tension” in 1947, arguing that prejudice is caused by irrational stereotypes based on limited information of a minority group. Contact theory differs from group threat theory in that increased interaction between the groups breaks down walls to misunderstandings and prejudice falls. In contact theory an increase in the size of a minority reduces the level of prejudice (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 586).
Cultural Theory
Cultural theory advances that immigrants challenge the cultural identify and the world view of the majority perceived to be parochial or poses an ethnocentric view of life. Negative views develop over time becoming culturally embedded and retained by socialization. These views are durable and interaction with immigrants does little to reduce them (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 586).
Chapter 4
Methodology
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Research Methods
This will be a descriptive study reviewing published literature on this subject to collect a cross sectional view of the subject matter. The finds will evaluate the relationship between the independent variable of U.S. immigration policy and the dependent variables of a present immigrant population and its effect on the U.S. immigration population.
It is believed that a direction relationship of the independent variable on the dependent variable exists.
Measure of Variables
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
The literature review will evaluate the effectiveness of immigration police to successfully eliminate all unauthorized border crossings as a means to accomplish increased national security.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
The literature review will evaluate how immigration reforms successfully resolved changes in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges. The literature review will changes in immigration policy and evaluate any change to issues related to a present immigration populations.
Chapter 5
Data Analysis and Results
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
The increasing amount of federal spending on increased border control has resulted in reducing the number of unauthorized border crossing but has failed to eliminate them completely. It appears to this research that the principal of demising returns has been achieved where an unlimited amount of spending on border control will never achieve complete elimination of an irregular immigrant population enter through the border. If national security is expected to be achieved by eliminating a present irregular immigration population, then efforts must be made to address the number of immigrants stay past their visas.
The single policy to controlling an irregular immigrant population is a proposed biometric identification tacking and monitoring system that appears near impossible to implement in the current environment of popular fear of increased government monitoring policies of the native populations.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
A driving factor in immigration reform has been the emergence of the liberal democratic state attempt to address global demands to recognize human rights. Quotas based on national origin persisted through the 1950’s, changes in the 60’s eliminated the quota system adapting policies recognizing human rights over national identities. Policies of accommodation in immigration continued through the 20th century with little attention paid towards demographic changes in large metropolitan areas. Only towards the end of the 20th century did popular opinion change towards a more restrictive and exclusionary immigration policy.
The desires of different actors in the immigration debate are separated on the ideas of continued accommodation and elimination of the present irregular immigrant population with reductions in authorized immigrants. These factions appear to control debate on any change in current immigration policy, and attempts to implement new regulations will require strong leadership and a willingness of both parties to seek compromise.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
U. S. Immigrating policy remains in a steady state until factions find a willingness to seek compromise. Levels of present immigration populations remain unchanged and authorized immigration continues. The ability of any immigrant to obtain employment remains unabated by administrative regulations and reliable worker documents. The impact of globalization appears to have a greater economic impact then the size of the present immigrant population. The demand of business for cheap labor remains a driving factor determining the level of unauthorized employment making employee sanctions nonexistent. The increasing number of community’s interaction with an immigrant population continues to struggle with federal dominance over immigration enforcement.
Presently accommodations dealing with the present immigrant populations will continue to be handled locally until a national debate can be convened to address public concerns.
Chapter 6
Conclusions and Recommendations
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Summary
U.S. immigration policy is driven by economic conditions moving towards a long term permanent immigrant work force driven by the economic demands of globalization, and ignoring the continued need of a service economy for cheap labor.
The increase in budgets expenditures to control the growth of an irregular immigrant population has failed to achieve significant results, and continued demand for cheap labor makes the sustainability of an unauthorized work force possible. Increases in income inequality due to immigration are challenging to support as increased immigration was positively related to growth in the gross domestic product, and declining incomes can be better related to structural changes in the economy than in the supply of labor.
The various factions in the immigration debate will need to decide on an immigration policy of exclusion or accommodation. Controlling an immigrant population will require enforcement actions that will meet strong business and social objections, and verifiable documentation requiring some type of biometric verifications on a national level.
Any change in immigration policy must address the definition of what type of immigration the nation desires. Replacing a broad based family with a nuclear family, or adopting a skilled based immigrant policy will have determining impact on the national economy.
Uniqueness of Findings
U.S. immigration policy is driven by economic demands of business and emergent social values of equality and human rights. The ability to control a present immigration population continues to fails as a substantial percent of immigrants are provided authorized entry. Attempts to control unauthorized entry has failed to stop all border crossings. Little attempts is made nationally to identify and monitory the immigrant population due to business and political pressures. Presently, no policy appear on the national agenda that might establish an immigration policy for the twenty first century. The likely direction of new immigration policies appears subject to the continued process of stretching and compromised solutions.
Recommendations
Investigation into the areas, likely to accommodate large immigrant populations, may provide avenues for immigration policies that best support markets subject to the business cycle. Learning what parts of the domestic economy are effected by immigration may provide insight into the type of immigration policies needed to sustain the U.S. economy.
Concluding Remarks
No attention has been given to the impact globalization has had on the domestic economy to sustain a business needs driven immigration policy in the twenty-first century. As the demographics of the U.S. economy change, the need for a younger work force will be a strain on business. Determining a results driven and skills based immigration policy can provide a solution based immigration policy that address the needs of a twenty-first century economy. Greater matching of future labor needs and current ability to support that need would provide a base for establishing a national discussion on new immigration policy. Identifying and monitoring of an immigrant population continues to avoid solution.
References Aguirre, J. (2008). Immigration on the Public Mind: Immigration Reform in the Obama Administration. Social Justice, 35(4), 4-11.
Briggs, V. r. (2012). The elusive goal: The quest for a credible immigration policy. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 31(4), 956-963. doi:10.1002/pam.21656
Martin, S. (2003). The Politics of US Immigration Reform. Political Quarterly, 74132-149. doi:10.1111/j.1467-923X.2003.00586.x
Orrenius, P. M., & Zavodny, M. (2012). Credible immigration policy reform: A response to Briggs. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 31(4), 963-966. doi:10.1002/pam.21654
TRIADAFILOPOULOS, T. (2010) Global norms, domestic institutions and the transformation of immigration policy in Canada and the US. Review of International Studies, 36(1). 169 – 193.
US IMMIGRATION REFORM: FROM G.W. BUSH TO B.H. OBAMA. (2010). People & Place, 18(3), 1-13.
Wallace, M., & Figueroa, R (2012) Determinants of perceived immigrant job threat in the American States. Sociological Perspectives, 55(4). 583-612. doi:10.1525/sop.2012.55.4.583.
Written prior to the increasing number of irregular immigrant children from Central American countries causing a national debate on U.S. immigration policy, I proposed to examine U.S. immigration history to provide a vehicle to inform the immigration debate, and present my position with as little hyperbole and bumper sticker talking points that populate political discourse.
Research Proposal
Viability of Immigration Reform
May 17, 2014
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to evaluate the viability of immigration reforms proposed to address challenges facing current U.S. immigration realities. It is argued that U.S. immigration policy fails to provide the national security expected through increased border control and establishing regulation and monitoring of an immigrant population. Consequently, maintaining the status quo will only support a challenging immigration environment.
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: Review of Literature
Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework
Chapter 4: Methodology
Chapter 5: Data Analysis
Chapter 6: Conclusions and Recommendations
References
Chapter 1
Introduction
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Importance of Study
Immigration policy has gained increase public attention in reaction to economic conditions since 2007. Those concerns were expressed in the national political discourse leading both major national political parties to propose changes to U.S. immigration policy and stalled when political compromise is required.
A focal point identifying substantive immigration policy changes that can best address public concerns and examining how these proposals impact the nation can provide a view of immigration devoid of the emotion of hyper political views. Maintaining current immigration policies will likely fail to address the public’s concern for action and contributing to an increased sense of a failure to regulate an immigrant population and provide a secure state.
Delimitations of the Study
This study will review literature covering historical results of U.S. immigration policy attempting to provide an objective view of challenges presented in establishing a cohesive and effective immigration policy. Understanding the challenges of past policies should help to inform future policy proposals.
This study does not intend to make subjective interpretations of the values placed on immigration policy by various immigration agents, but to provide views of divergence and convergence beliefs in search of common ground and areas of compatibility.
This study will not provide a complete and universal solution to U.S. immigration as that is outside the scope of this study. At best, this study will present past challenges to immigration polices changes.
Chapter 2
Review of the Literature
Source of Immigrations
Through the 1950’s US immigration policy was based on preserving the sociological and cultural balance in the United States until changes in the sixties increased diversity in immigrant population (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 185). The 1961 immigration Act granted quotas to Caribbean states and non-quota status to relative of other nations (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 189).
The Immigration Act of 1965 ushered in the return of mass immigration due through a lack of effective regulation enforcement and foreign policy developments in Cuba and Vietnam resulting from expanded family unification ignoring work skills, education, and English speaking ability raising the US foreign-born population from 8.5 million or 4.4 percent of total US population. Foreign-born population reached 40 million and 12.9 percent of total US population by 2010. Estimated placed 11.2 million or 3.7 percent of the US population as irregular immigrants (Briggs, 2012, p, 956-957).
The Johnson Administration’s 1965 Immigration Act was the culmination of shifting immigrations policies where a preference for a skill based system was scrapped in favor of nationalities already represented in the county and limiting immigration from the Western Hemisphere with a preference towards family reunification resulting in only twenty percent of immigrants with occupational skills (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 191).
Effects of increased immigration are irregular immigrant workers infringe on the work protection right of regular immigrant workers, as provided for in immigration law, perceived as disrupting this balance, and long ran issues are a large influx of immigrant workers, administrative abuse by irregular immigrant workers that increase the pool of low-skilled workers increasing the mismatch skills demanded in labor markets (Briggs, 2012, p. 957-958).
Changing Immigration Policies
The United States experienced an increase in population diversity with Asian immigration increasing from 1.5 million in 1970 to 13.1 million in 2000. Middle East, African, Central and South American created diverse multicultural US cities. These changes result from the liberal-democratic states response to national changes in the global normative context (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 192).
Change in immigration policy is viewed as an adaptation to changes in global perspectives as exemplified by Aristide Zolberg’s view that immigration policies takes into account international changes to global normative context and opportunities referencing Globalization I as European colonialism that restricted immigration and supported a hierarchical view of culture and race, and Globalization II as colonial independence, self-rule, and growth in acceptance of diversity at home resulting from international human rights movements stressing equality in international social and political relations (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 172).
Changes in national immigration policies are a reaction to emerging immigration hypocrisy viewed from this new normative context as a process of stretching, unraveling, and shifting existing policy. Stretching is a cosmetic reaction to make existing policy fit changes in global norms without abandoning fundamental beliefs and co-opting criticism to avoid fundamental change. Unraveling is an extension of stretching as policies on the edge of a liberal-democratic identity fall to criticism to adapt to new global norms. Unraveling occurs as change agents gain support for implementing new approaches to immigration are institutionalized (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 173 - 174).
Shifts in the global normative contexts where the international state structure changed under neo-colonialism as human rights replaced scientific racism granting leverage to advocates of immigration reform along these lines (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 173).
Immigrant Actors
Actors in US immigration policy can be categorized into four groups based on their position towards immigration and immigrant rights, Advocates, Integrationists, Free-marketers, and Restrictionists.
Advocates, Integrationist, and Free-marketers are the most similar in supporting immigration as an economic benefit. Advocates and Integrationist agrees on broad, generous regular immigration and supportive immigrants’ rights with a criteria based path to citizenship. Integrationists differ by supporting policies limiting regular immigration to alleviate negative effects and fiscal policies to assist regular immigrants and communities in the integration process. Free-marketers see immigration as a means to employ the best labor at the lowest cost with little regard to policies. Oppose any welfare program or legal rights for immigrants. They see labor as an instrument of the business cycle and see immigration as a non sequitur. Restrictionists see immigration only as a negative force and oppose all immigration (Martin, S., 2003, p. 135 - 136).
Advocates began the stretching of US immigration policy with the 1952 Immigration Act that abolished racist criteria but maintained a national origin quota system that counted race against available visas regardless of national origin thus co-opting opposing criticism of racist immigration practices (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 186). The influence of these actors can been see throughout US immigration policy as immerging support of US labor for immigration reform coupled with the rise of the civil right movement and realignment of domestic forces allowed for fundamental immigration changes, however, differing views towards immigration persist (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 188).
Public sentiment is segmented with elites favoring expansion polices and the general public favoring ending or enacting more restrictive immigration while congressional acts favored the expansionist’s views. McDonald notes Columnist David Brooks view that elite educated people are cosmopolitan, seeking to intermingle, while people with neighborhoods favor assimilations. Shifting and unraveling of immigration policy brought together business and labor to support expansionist immigration policy as left right advocates pursued reduced burdens on business and guest workers programs, family reunification, nondiscrimination, greater welfare benefits, and a path to legalization (McDonald, 2010, p. 2 - 3).
One founding principal of US immigration policy is to view immigrants as presumptive citizens but changes in 1996 changed the social, economic, and legal rights of foreign nationalist to include legal immigrants (Martin, S., 2003, p. 132). This change can be seen in surveys that show people want less immigration by restricting irregular immigrants and their employment while supporting a path to citizenship (McDonald, 2010, p. 4). Americans supported Arizona’s anti-immigrant law and reform providing a path to citizenship for the irregular population where fifty-five percent supports the anti-immigration law and sixty-two percent supporting irregular immigrants with criminal records to remain in the country (McDonald, 2010, p. 8).
Immigration and citizen policies intend to satisfy employer’s need for cheap, pliable labor while restricting immigrants considered threatening to the host society as immigration regulations governing residency and citizenship rights play an important role defining areas of inclusion (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 169).
Briggs confirms the consequences of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) when irregular immigrant population was between 3 and 6 million where 2.7 million accepted regular immigrant status using various documents viewed as counterfeit. Briggs faults Congress failing to establish effective employer sanction before implementing amnesty (Briggs, 2012, p, 959).
McDonald questions if additional legislature that toughens employer sanctions, strengthens border controls, includes a guest worker programs, and provides amnesty with a path to legalization will deliver the desired results of deterring unauthorized immigrants and their employment while providing business access to cheap labor and eliminates the presents of an irregular immigrant population (McDonald, 2010, p. 4).
The public was insulated from the realities of how immigration impacted their lives in 1986 compared to 2007 while Congress was insulated from advocates claiming to represent the public. These conditions no longer existed in 2007 when immigration expanded across the U.S. and communities felt threatened and became alarmed (McDonald, 2010, p. 1).
Employer Sanctions and Biometric Identification
Employer sanctions and border controls are the new socially acceptable alternative to mass deportations of the 1950’s and earlier. Expansionist advocates supported the IRCA that included employer sanction and legalization as tools to control immigration when combined with greater border security as proposed by the Select Commission on Immigration Refugee Policy (McDonald, 2010, p. 3-4).
Any tamper proof identification that resembles a national ID card is unthinkable politically even where an estimated seventy-three percent of applications were fraudulent under IRCA. Bush administration proposal for a biometric ID failed to be adapted but still required actual enforcement (McDonald, 2010, p. 5) The only identification system available to employers is the E-Verify system that only validates the documents presented for employment not certifying the person presenting the documents (Briggs, 2012, p, 961).
The results of effective employer sanctions would elicit a cry from business for guest workers and immigrant advocates asking for a path to legalization observing that immigration legislation responds to competing political, economic, social, and cultural demands (McDonald, 2010, p. 5).
Implementation of employer verification and biometric ID cards would help control irregular immigration and improve temporary worker programs. The estimated 11 million plus irregular immigrants in the US have established strong ties to communities and U.S. citizen children so eliminating a rush of immigration with the adaption of a path to regular immigration can by accomplish by limiting family-based immigration. Policies of mass deportation and anti-immigration regulations are viewed as inhuman, and absent a process to replace their labor will only encourage continued irregular immigration (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 965).
Employer sanction requires an easily administered system, tamper proof identification, sanction that are enforced, and alternate access to cheap labor of which the first three failed to occur in the IRCA, while a total nineteen nations and eleven states tried employer sanction and all failed (McDonald, 2010, pp. 4 - 5).
Broader Protection
The U.S.-Mexican border is longer than the distance from Paris to Moscow, and 370 miles of fencing are being erected leaving 1,630 miles unfenced and unguarded as enforcement spending increased from $1 billion to $4.9 billion from 1985 to 2001 with 93% of immigrant apprehensions made by Border Patrol. The Department of Homeland Security budgeted another $8 billion to erect a high tech system of towers and cameras to monitor the remaining 1,630 miles of the unfenced border as Pre-IRCA irregular immigration was estimated at 180,000 per year increasing to 850,000 per year since 2000 (McDonald, 2010, p. 6).
The result is diverting immigration flow along the U.S.-Mexican border to more treacherous routes with no demonstrated reduction in the flow of immigrants. Since 1993 more than 2,600 related border-crossing deaths occurred more than ten times the number of border-crossing death over the 28 years of the Berlin Wall (McDonald, 2010, pp. 5 - 6).
Congressional Budget Office (CBO) review of the U.S. Senate 2007 immigration bill estimated a twenty-five percent reduction in irregular immigration reducing estimates of 850,000 per year to about 637,500 per year (McDonald, 2010, p. 6). These costs do not stop the forty percent of the irregular immigrant population estimated to have entered legally and overstayed their visas contradicting popular belief that the irregular immigrant population is due to border crossings (McDonald, 2010, p. 6).
Economic
Immigration is credited for increased available unskilled labor lowering wages of low skilled native workers. 32.3 percent of foreign-born adults did not have a high school diploma and Briggs believes this explains the high level of unemployment of foreign-born adults reaching 9.8 percent compared to 9.6 percent of native-born adult workers. Foreign-born workers comprise 15.8 percent of the civilian work force at 24.3 million workers by 2010, and one-third of foreign-born workers are irregular at 5.2 percent of the civilian work force at 8 million workers (Briggs, 2012, p, 957).
Orrenius and Zavodny counter that the relative size of low skilled workers in the US falls between 1980 and 2010. Adults over age 25 in 1980 were 33.5 percent and 14.4 percent in 2010 shows a decline in the percent of low skilled workers. The decline in the number of low skilled native born workers are insignificantly off set by low skilled immigrants explaining that increased income inequality is a function of demand not the supply of low skilled workers (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
Briggs finds immigration policy contributed counterproductive influences on national recovery efforts during the current economic downturn. Immigration reform might have been included when added to relief programs instituted to combat the recession. Between 2008 and 2009 2.4 million new regular and irregular immigrants entered the country while 8.2 million jobs were lost (Briggs, 2012, p, 958). Opposing views show that from 1987 to 2007 the rate of unemployment declined during a period of record high immigration. Irregular immigration in 2009 was 98 percent of the 2007 peak in a response to the recession. Regular immigration levels continued where most are not workers having little effect on increased unemployment. Immigrations effect on employment discount economic changes in skill-based technologies that increase unemployment of low-skilled workers, and immigration reform should focus first on retaining the benefits of immigration by limiting the inflow of low-skilled workers and directing the benefits to offset adverse distribution from immigration (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
Orrenius and Zavodny oppose Brigg’s assertion that a 30 percent reduction in irregular immigration and elimination of all irregular immigration is a silver bullet that can reverse declining blue-collar wages, reduce unemployment, and lower poverty and income inequality (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
The decline in real wages and increasing inequality among blue-collar workers in the 1980’s were due to a loss in real minimum wages; and as immigration inflow peaked in the 1990’s, wage inequality in the bottom half of wage distribution rose as earnings and employment rates for the lower educated distribution increased. Rising income inequality occurred from growing disparity in the upper half of male distribution having little to do low skilled immigrants during the 1990’s (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 964).
US GDP increased fourfold from 1965 to 2010 while green cards quotas were unchained until 1990. Shifting irregular low skilled workers to regular requires increased work visas not less; failing to increase H-2A, H-2B, and EB-3 worker visas is counter to stemming irregular immigrants in the work force (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, pp. 964 - 965).
Temporary worker programs reduce irregular immigrations while providing business a supply of low skilled workers and reduces the tax payers burden from a permanent irregular immigrate population. Temporary foreign workers should supplement the business cycle. Most work visas make a permanent immigration unresponsive to the business cycle. Temporary and irregular immigrant workers are the most responsive to the business cycle that Briggs argues should be eliminated by reform and increased deportation (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012, p. 965).
Reforms must include system enforceability including enhanced border and visa management to reduce entry of irregular immigrants and overstays, strict employer sanctions, speedy removal of captured irregular immigrants, and supports prohibition on further amnesty to reduce employment among low skilled native workers (Briggs, 2012, p, 962).
Reform
McDonald argues including amnesty in any immigration reform will require a strong popular president backed by a strong bipartisan panel drawn across the political spectrum (McDonald, 2010, p. 3). Congressional bipartisanship needed to pass immigration reform has disappeared failing an attempt to achieve amnesty for irregular immigrants and a biometric national identification card to prevent illegal hiring. (McDonald, 2010, p. 8)
Canada followed a similar approach to the U.S. adopting immigration policy that addressed control and improvement in regular immigrant populations with immigration criteria. Canada’s political system provide their Executive autonomy to experiment with immigration policies as an administration system that eliminated racial discrimination and maintaining selectivity based on potential economic contributions (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 170).
From the end of the 1950’s, Canada’s pursued a universal skill-based selection criteria, not intended to provide a new source of skilled labor, but to satisfy critics of racial discrimination. Canada’s effort in 1966 to recruit highly-skilled, educated immigrants extended sponsorship right for relatives. This ended after six years when only citizen would have sponsorship rights (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 182 - 183).
Early adaptation of skilled based and limited family immigration balanced changes in labor markets and reduced stress on community services. Preferences for family sponsorship should move away from extended family and towards nuclear families and towards higher skilled immigrants not low skilled immigrants. Skill based immigration counters opposition to a guest worker system perceived to depress wages of low skilled native workers, as hard to monitor, places demands on local services, hard to stop, and encourage irregular immigrations (Briggs, 2012, p. 962).
The US political system provides a greater Congressional role in immigration policy resulting in a patch work of policies intended to appease conflicting interest resulting in different solutions in eliminating racial discrimination in immigration law. Conflicts of interest are decided by the societies various political interest asking who we are, what we are to become, how we get there. Fundamentally deciding what individuals will constitute ‘we’ in making these decisions (Triadafilopoulos, 2010, p. 171).
Chapter 3
Theoretical Framework
Group Threat Theory
Group Threat theory dates back to Hubert Blumer, “Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position” published in The Pacific Sociological Review in 1958. Blumer argued prejudice against a minority stems from feelings of threats on the majorities privileged position. Prejudice appears to stem from a feeling of superiority, perceiving the minority group as innate, feelings of entitlement by the majority group, and suspicion that a minority group challenges the prerogative of the dominant group. Advocates of group threat theory note that minority threat is most acute on citizens in precarious socioeconomic potions (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 585).
Contact Theory
Contact theory originates from Robin M. Williams, “Reduction of Intergroup Tension” in 1947, arguing that prejudice is caused by irrational stereotypes based on limited information of a minority group. Contact theory differs from group threat theory in that increased interaction between the groups breaks down walls to misunderstandings and prejudice falls. In contact theory an increase in the size of a minority reduces the level of prejudice (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 586).
Cultural Theory
Cultural theory advances that immigrants challenge the cultural identify and the world view of the majority perceived to be parochial or poses an ethnocentric view of life. Negative views develop over time becoming culturally embedded and retained by socialization. These views are durable and interaction with immigrants does little to reduce them (Wallace, & Figueroa, 2012, p. 586).
Chapter 4
Methodology
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Research Methods
This will be a descriptive study reviewing published literature on this subject to collect a cross sectional view of the subject matter. The finds will evaluate the relationship between the independent variable of U.S. immigration policy and the dependent variables of a present immigrant population and its effect on the U.S. immigration population.
It is believed that a direction relationship of the independent variable on the dependent variable exists.
Measure of Variables
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
The literature review will evaluate the effectiveness of immigration police to successfully eliminate all unauthorized border crossings as a means to accomplish increased national security.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
The literature review will evaluate how immigration reforms successfully resolved changes in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges. The literature review will changes in immigration policy and evaluate any change to issues related to a present immigration populations.
Chapter 5
Data Analysis and Results
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
The increasing amount of federal spending on increased border control has resulted in reducing the number of unauthorized border crossing but has failed to eliminate them completely. It appears to this research that the principal of demising returns has been achieved where an unlimited amount of spending on border control will never achieve complete elimination of an irregular immigrant population enter through the border. If national security is expected to be achieved by eliminating a present irregular immigration population, then efforts must be made to address the number of immigrants stay past their visas.
The single policy to controlling an irregular immigrant population is a proposed biometric identification tacking and monitoring system that appears near impossible to implement in the current environment of popular fear of increased government monitoring policies of the native populations.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
A driving factor in immigration reform has been the emergence of the liberal democratic state attempt to address global demands to recognize human rights. Quotas based on national origin persisted through the 1950’s, changes in the 60’s eliminated the quota system adapting policies recognizing human rights over national identities. Policies of accommodation in immigration continued through the 20th century with little attention paid towards demographic changes in large metropolitan areas. Only towards the end of the 20th century did popular opinion change towards a more restrictive and exclusionary immigration policy.
The desires of different actors in the immigration debate are separated on the ideas of continued accommodation and elimination of the present irregular immigrant population with reductions in authorized immigrants. These factions appear to control debate on any change in current immigration policy, and attempts to implement new regulations will require strong leadership and a willingness of both parties to seek compromise.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
U. S. Immigrating policy remains in a steady state until factions find a willingness to seek compromise. Levels of present immigration populations remain unchanged and authorized immigration continues. The ability of any immigrant to obtain employment remains unabated by administrative regulations and reliable worker documents. The impact of globalization appears to have a greater economic impact then the size of the present immigrant population. The demand of business for cheap labor remains a driving factor determining the level of unauthorized employment making employee sanctions nonexistent. The increasing number of community’s interaction with an immigrant population continues to struggle with federal dominance over immigration enforcement.
Presently accommodations dealing with the present immigrant populations will continue to be handled locally until a national debate can be convened to address public concerns.
Chapter 6
Conclusions and Recommendations
Purpose
This study examines historical actors contributing to U.S. immigration policies and the challenges addressing emergent political and economic concerns related to the conditions of the U.S. immigration population asking are any proposed immigration reforms addressing challenges to current immigrations realities of regular and irregular immigrants, skilled and unskilled workers, national border security, temporary workers and family visas, path to permanent residence or citizenship, civil and human rights, and related cost?
Hypotheses
It is hypothesized that current U.S. immigration policy fails to accomplish the intended results of providing national security by securing the border.
It is hypothesized that past immigration reforms address challenges to resolve change in U.S. immigration regulations.
It is hypothesized that no change to U.S. immigration policy is necessary to address current immigration challenges.
Summary
U.S. immigration policy is driven by economic conditions moving towards a long term permanent immigrant work force driven by the economic demands of globalization, and ignoring the continued need of a service economy for cheap labor.
The increase in budgets expenditures to control the growth of an irregular immigrant population has failed to achieve significant results, and continued demand for cheap labor makes the sustainability of an unauthorized work force possible. Increases in income inequality due to immigration are challenging to support as increased immigration was positively related to growth in the gross domestic product, and declining incomes can be better related to structural changes in the economy than in the supply of labor.
The various factions in the immigration debate will need to decide on an immigration policy of exclusion or accommodation. Controlling an immigrant population will require enforcement actions that will meet strong business and social objections, and verifiable documentation requiring some type of biometric verifications on a national level.
Any change in immigration policy must address the definition of what type of immigration the nation desires. Replacing a broad based family with a nuclear family, or adopting a skilled based immigrant policy will have determining impact on the national economy.
Uniqueness of Findings
U.S. immigration policy is driven by economic demands of business and emergent social values of equality and human rights. The ability to control a present immigration population continues to fails as a substantial percent of immigrants are provided authorized entry. Attempts to control unauthorized entry has failed to stop all border crossings. Little attempts is made nationally to identify and monitory the immigrant population due to business and political pressures. Presently, no policy appear on the national agenda that might establish an immigration policy for the twenty first century. The likely direction of new immigration policies appears subject to the continued process of stretching and compromised solutions.
Recommendations
Investigation into the areas, likely to accommodate large immigrant populations, may provide avenues for immigration policies that best support markets subject to the business cycle. Learning what parts of the domestic economy are effected by immigration may provide insight into the type of immigration policies needed to sustain the U.S. economy.
Concluding Remarks
No attention has been given to the impact globalization has had on the domestic economy to sustain a business needs driven immigration policy in the twenty-first century. As the demographics of the U.S. economy change, the need for a younger work force will be a strain on business. Determining a results driven and skills based immigration policy can provide a solution based immigration policy that address the needs of a twenty-first century economy. Greater matching of future labor needs and current ability to support that need would provide a base for establishing a national discussion on new immigration policy. Identifying and monitoring of an immigrant population continues to avoid solution.
References Aguirre, J. (2008). Immigration on the Public Mind: Immigration Reform in the Obama Administration. Social Justice, 35(4), 4-11.
Briggs, V. r. (2012). The elusive goal: The quest for a credible immigration policy. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 31(4), 956-963. doi:10.1002/pam.21656
Martin, S. (2003). The Politics of US Immigration Reform. Political Quarterly, 74132-149. doi:10.1111/j.1467-923X.2003.00586.x
Orrenius, P. M., & Zavodny, M. (2012). Credible immigration policy reform: A response to Briggs. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 31(4), 963-966. doi:10.1002/pam.21654
TRIADAFILOPOULOS, T. (2010) Global norms, domestic institutions and the transformation of immigration policy in Canada and the US. Review of International Studies, 36(1). 169 – 193.
US IMMIGRATION REFORM: FROM G.W. BUSH TO B.H. OBAMA. (2010). People & Place, 18(3), 1-13.
Wallace, M., & Figueroa, R (2012) Determinants of perceived immigrant job threat in the American States. Sociological Perspectives, 55(4). 583-612. doi:10.1525/sop.2012.55.4.583.
Sexuality and Gender Identity Issues in Development
Abstract
The article examines literature discussing how development policies supporting a heteronormative dominant model ignore the issues of sexuality and sexual identity. Women, children, and non-heteronormative practicing populations are viewed as secondary to macro issues of development. The authors argue that development policies addressing the individual needs of sexual identity in development will provide a greater solution to development policies towards human rights and poverty.
Sexuality and Development
Free and open global trade policies are presented as the end all to solve the issues of underdeveloped nations. The ability of a nation to establish a developed economy has become more a reality by adapting trades polices manifested as globalization whose main goal is to improve the lives of those involved in development.
However, sexuality has a greater effect on development then gender, a paramount component of development, is mostly relegated to the macro-development issues of gender, population and health. A more intimate view of sexuality is regarded as a private, minority issue over shadowed by larger subjects of hunger, climate changes, sexually transmitted decease, and reproduction. (Cornwell, Jolly, 2009 p 5)
Sexuality as a development problem is yet to be addressed and holds the kernel of providing a truer goal of improved lives. The issue of individual development is often secondary to development’s focus on macro issues ignoring how individual’s lives have a greater impact on the macro issues that result from development.
Developments Policy History
Current international organizations and agencies are saddled with the historical paradigm of development from European explorations and colonialism of the 18th and 19th centuries. Development is viewed as an outcome of European superiority reinforced by conquest, colonialism, and the wealth viewed because of being most advanced and eventually seen as natural, uniform, necessary, and directed. Values and perspectives became institutionalized and ingrained in development policies.
The heteronormative model in development grew from this development paradigm by accepting the paternalistic nuclear family and sexual gender norms implied that became natural and ordained by increased wealth and power. (Devika, 2009 P. 25) The reinforcement of a heteronormative approach to development issues of sexuality can also be traced to funding. Christian religious and conservative forces of U.S. contributions are evident in the development industry approach to sexuality.
Misaligned Development Policies
The development industry approaches sexuality from a heteronormative perception that ignores same-sex or sexuality that challenge the dominant heterosexual model. Sexuality viewed from this position causes a misalignment between development organizations and their mission towards poverty and human rights. (Cornwell, Jolly, and 2009 p 6)
Development polices supporting a heteronormative model can challenge the mission of empowerment and human rights. The treatment of lesbians and transgender people is considered a failure. The limitations of a heteronormative approach to sexuality in development can be seen in HIV/AIDS prevention programs. Using a moral approach of abstinence and sex only in a heterosexual married relationship ignores the reality of the sexual live touched by HIV/AIDS.
Ignoring the HIV positive behavior that increases susceptibility to sexually transmitted deices and other sex related development issues, reinforce the prejudice against those whose sexual identity threatens the majority, keeps those minorities out of development solutions, and fails to address the empowerment of including reproductive rights as a human right. Development should include tackling causes of poverty beyond material depravity to include social rejection for failing to conform to a sexual norm.
Prevention polices of abstinence until marriage ignores female sexuality of desire and pleasure and limits a woman ability of simply having a condom handy as a preventative tool. (Cornwell, Jolly, and 2009 p. 9)
Development causes discourse for counter-heteronormative social transformation. The misalignment of policies and individual sexuality fails to address the needs of women, non-heteronormative, and adolescence in development. The need to inform how a heteronormative development model impacts these subgroups presents the conflicts confronting a more successful development model.
Development and Women
Devika’s examination of development in India found female health issues focused towards the mental and material health of the body devoid of sexuality. Main stream solutions to women health issues have prioritized substance abuse and metal and life style diseases. The natural role of the female is a procreative body ruled by the naturally feminine mind dominated by issues of home and family.
The prostitute woman ruled by passion not reason, consequently unwomanly, has given way to the sexually identified woman. The self identifying woman has begun to redefine their sexuality from the aesthetic to the erotic. This identity of women, denied access to resources, upward mobility, and representation has become an “outliner” rarely discussed beyond intellectuals and technocratic.
Abject is the term used to define these outliners who occupy abnormal, impossible, subservient, and a marginal place excluded from society and considered beyond reformist effort. These abject members of society are further marginalized by requiring virginity test to disprove prostitution or criminal activity to apply for social services. The sexualized woman is denied legal protection from assault when vied by courts as “a lascivious strumpet” voluntarily inviting the assault. (Devika, 2009 P. 31)
Fear of the domestic woman adapting the sexual identity of the abject by moving closer to the erotic is considered destabilizing of the heteronormative dominance. Development has exposed young girls to alternate views of sexuality by music video, cosmetics, and foreign fashion challenges their socialization to maintain a proper and decent way further thinning the line between aesthetic and erotic.
The proposed reaction to women developing a sexual identity is to reinforce the family life and protect them from consumerism. The idea of legal protection from assault and empowerment by mobilizing women against social repression are ignored for fear that a private place separate from moral surveillance that protects reproductive and sexual rights.
The importance of education in the reduction of birth rates, as an issue of development, has largely been ignored. (Devika, 2009 P. 37) Sexuality in development discourse has been noticed as central to control and shaping the well-being and survival skills in unrecognized ways.
Thus, it may be possible to think about ways of turning motherhood into a pleasurable option by radically redefining it, cutting it loose from its present moorings in the notion of the individualized, disciplined and productive self, located in the privatized, insular space of the heteronormative modern family. (Devika, 2009 P. 42)
Empowerment has traditionally been directed towards economic and political equality. Both goals maintain their paramount importance in development and accomplished through result based efforts incorporated with traditional rights and community bases approaches towards development.
Gender equality by empowering women increases choices and security will increase their well being in themselves. A states roll in empowerment is only to enhance global competitiveness. Increasing the number of women in the workforce provides an increased ability to resistance patriarchal powers and increased equality and empowerment. (Devika, 2009 P. 38-39)
Sexual rights over reproduction and rape are not protected where male please is part of the norm as some state fail to recognize rape in cases where the person is mentally or physically challenges, unconscious or asleep. Protection from rape in marriage defines sexual pleasure as the right of men, not women. The norm denies females as fully human. (Klugman, 2007 p. 70)
Institutionalizing the sexual pleasure of one group, at the expense of another, and denying those same rights to express one’s sexuality, through pleasure, make the issue of sexual relationships both individual and public as a question of denied citizenship.
Bosnian solders found guilty of rape in The Hague affirmed women’s human right to be respected specifically their bodies’ thought, which they live. Here, development can be viewed in light of four specific women human rights; (1) physical and moral inviolability; (2) voluntary motherhood; (3) culture; (4) and preferential and reciprocal right for mother and child. (Devika, 2009 P. 41)
Empowerment and sexuality rights of women against violence must avoid patriarchal protectionist. A patriarchal plan of protection and empowerment only make the protected dependent and subservient, and is neither liberating nor beneficial.
Education in Development The right to education is denied due to heteronormative dominance. Feeling unsafe at school leads to truancy and reduces access to resources leading to higher education. Female student denied access to effective sexual education can lead to teenage pregnancy and are less likely to graduate high school compared to their contemporaries. Child brides are a similar experience as an institutionalized norm denying females control over their bodies and lives. (Klugman, 2007 p. 67)
A comparative experience in India are the Hijras; crossing dressing or transgendered males representing as female in public, and Kothis, homosexual males identifying as female in homosexual relationships. Both are discriminated and abused by the dominant heteronormative model denied education and employment limiting their ability to improve their lives. An education is a determinate goal to improving a country and a critical citizen right. A dominate heteronormative education system limits the success of subordinate groups to succeed. The subordinate groups are denied the resource to economic empowerment, personal growth, sexual health and reproductive rights. Research in US schools explains how feeling safe and accepted in school is a strong predictor of avoiding pregnancy, violence, suicide, emotional distress, and eventually graduating. (Klugman, 2007 p. 68)
Adolescents are compelled to practice sexuality that is in dissonance with the requirements of the heteronormative religious demands. Engaging in sexual practices stigmatized by the heteronormative model can allow the maintenance of virginity and abstinence until acceptable marriage, but may impact ones view of self worth and development of a health sexual identity.
Establish institutions for subordinate groups further marginalizes minority groups reinforcing stereotypes and providing services that do not recognize their needs and provide service that support only a heteronormative model. Providing reproductive service only to married women ignores the needs of single people. Services for HIV/AIDS communities that advise a nonsexual life style denies them the advice and care they actually need.
The role of culture to shape experience and the cause of discrimination is changing from one based on materialism or class-based to an identity base model is growing in global popularity. Resource inequality and failed recognition of individuals as full humans lacking representation can be overcome by alliance building that challenges the normative dominance politicize anyone’s way of life as acceptable to all.
Sexual Citizenship and Pleasure Barbara Klugman introduces the concept of the sexual citizen to contextualize the subject of sexuality in development. Sexual citizenship was created to combine the right of state citizenship and global human rights. A dominant heteronormative view is used to deny the benefits of citizenship and rights to minorities out side the norm.
Citizenship confers equal rights and responsibilities of the various members of a community, and human rights extend the idea of rights to a global level. These right included equal access and distribution to enable a decent life, recognition of diversity, and equal representation. Sexual citizenship establishes the rights to sexual identity and highlighting the ways those rights are denied or used to discriminate. (Klugman, 2007 p. 66)
Adding the dimension of pleasure to development is to evolve the concept of human rights to include how one identifies sexually having a greater impact on development’s goals. Abandoning the heteronormativity development model for an expanded view will benefit the abandoned and stigmatized social classes impacted by development issues but ignored in the remedy.
Including those experienced in dealing with sex related issues of development in decision making on its’ face appears obvious, but can challenge current policies of “raid and rescue” or abstinence only programs. (Cornwell, Jolly, and 2009 p. 11)
The challenge is to appreciate the benefits individual sexual identity brings to development above historical social, cultural norms. Development solutions based on a heteronormative model are counter of sexual realities that are marginalized or driven underground. Developments intent to improve lives must accept the basic human right one has over their bodies.
The gains in sexuality do not necessary advance the issue of sexual citizenship when advances become categorized by the heteronormative model. Non-heteronormative practitioners are encouraged to participate in public celebrations specific to their sexuality, but equal expression in similar celebrations of ethnicity is not allowed.
Overcoming legal barriers that deny rights based on sexuality required equal participation in community and political representation that is critical to citizens. The greatest barrier to representation is candidates acceptable to the public at large to address issues of sexuality.
The development industry should begin to include sexuality and empowerment that sexual pleasure provides in accomplishing developments mission of human rights and empowerment. Ignoring the role pleasure plays in HIV/AIDS prevention fails to account the degree sexual encounter impact a prevention program.
Sexual pleasure is no simple thing. How we experience pleasure is influenced by all sorts of factors including gender power relations, class, race, the globalized media and the market. The ability of organizations to overcome erotophobia and embrace a pleasure policy to development can increase their results especially related to women empowerment. (Cornwell, Jolly, and 2009 p. 9)
The transgender community is using the idea of welcoming in place of tolerance that reinforces their sexual identity as acceptable not desirable. (Klugman, 2007 p. 72)
References
Andrea Cornwell. & Susie Jolly, (2009) Sexuality and the Development Industry. Upfront. 52, (1), 5-12. doi:10.1057/dev.2008.91
J. Devika, (2009) Bodies Gone Awry: The Abject of Sexuality in Development Discourse in Contemporary Kerala. Indian Journal of Gender Studies. 16, (21), 21-46. DOI: 10.1177/097152150801600102
Susie Jolly. (2006). Not So Strange Bedfellows: Sexuality and International Development. Development. 49, (1), 71-80.
Barbara Klugman, BA, MA, Phd. (2007) Locating and Linking Sexuality in Development and Human Rights. International Journal of Sexual Health, 19, (3), 65-76. Doi:10.1300/J514v19n03_08